Saturday, October 15, 2016

A New Biography of Hitler Separates the Man From the Myths

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Adolf Hitler, spring 1927. CreditFrom "Hitler: Ascent"
HITLER
Ascent 1889-1939
By Volker Ullrich
Translated by Jefferson Chase
Illustrated. 998 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $40.
When Adolf Hitler turned 30, in 1919, his life was more than half over, yet he had made not the slightest mark on the world. He had no close friends and was probably still a virgin. As a young man, he had dreamed of being a painter or an architect, but he was rejected twice from Vienna’s Academy of Fine Arts. He had never held a job; during his years in the Austrian capital before World War I, he survived by peddling his paintings and postcards, and was sometimes homeless. When war broke out in 1914, he entered the German Army as a private, and when the war ended four years later, he was still a private. He was never promoted, the regimental adjutant explained, because he “lacked leadership qualities.”
Yet within a few years, large crowds of Nazi supporters would be hailing this anonymous failure as their Führer. At 43, Hitler became the chancellor of Germany, and by 52 he could claim to be the most powerful man in the history of Europe, with an empire that spanned the continent. In the sheer unlikely speed of his rise — and then of his catastrophic fall — Hitler was a phenomenon with few precedents in world history. Extraordinary, too, was the amount of destruction and suffering for which he was responsible: the tens of millions of soldiers and civilians killed in World War II, the six million Jews exterminated in the Holocaust, the countless prisoners tortured and murdered in his concentration camps. Hitler’s very face has become a universally recognizable icon of evil, along with the swastika, the symbol of his Nazi Party.
Ever since Hitler came to power in 1933, writers have been trying to fathom him, and he is already the subject of major biographies by Alan Bullock, Joachim Fest and Ian Kershaw. The goal of these books, and thousands of others, is — in the words of the title of Ron Rosenbaum’s fascinating study — “explaining Hitler.” Hitler cries out for explanation, and perhaps always will, because even when we know all the facts, his story remains incredible, unacceptable. How could so insignificant a man have become so potent a force for evil? How could the world have allowed it to happen? And always, the unspoken fear: Could it happen again?
The latest attempt to come to grips with these questions is “Hitler: Ascent 1889-1939,” the first of two planned volumes of a new biography by the German historian and journalist Volker Ullrich. Every generation of historians produces its own version of Hitler, and Ullrich, writing more than 15 years after Kershaw, is no exception. He has taken on board the latest primary scholarship; but more important, he writes, is his desire “to refocus attention on Hitler” the man. This means treating him as neither a myth, as many of Hitler’s admirers and enemies were inclined to do, nor as a nonentity who just happened to be in the right place at the right time to capitalize on Germany’s rage and disorder. Rather, Ullrich sees his subject as a consummate political tactician, and still more important, as a gifted actor, able to show each of his audiences — from the rowdies at mass meetings in beer halls to the elites in the salons of rich industrialists — the leader it wanted to see.
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Like most biographers of Hitler, Ullrich passes quickly over his subject’s early years, which are little documented, in part because one of his last orders before his suicide in 1945 was for all his private papers to be burned. The story of Hitler’s public life doesn’t really begin until 1919, when he emerged in Munich as a far-right agitator, one of many who capitalized on the chaos in Germany created by the world war and a short-lived leftist revolution in Bavaria.
By 1923, his National Socialist German Workers’ Party had grown bold enough to try to overthrow the provincial government, in what became known as the Beer Hall Putsch. The coup failed, however, and after a short stint in jail, Hitler decided it would be easier to destroy the deeply unpopular Weimar Republic by legal means. He maneuvered ruthlessly toward this goal, aided by widespread despair over hyperinflation and then the Great Depression, until his triumphant elevation to the chancellorship. Notably, the Nazis never won a majority of the vote in any free election. Hitler came to power because other, more respectable politicians thought they would be able to control him.
Once in office, Hitler quickly proved them wrong. With dizzying speed, he banned and imprisoned political opponents, had his party rivals murdered, overrode the constitution and made himself the center of a cult of personality to rival Stalin’s. These moves did not dent Hitler’s popularity. On the contrary, after years of internecine ideological warfare, the German people went wild with enthusiasm for a man who claimed to be above politics. The fact that he hated Jews with a demented passion only added to his popularity in a deeply anti-Semitic society. Ullrich’s first volume concludes in the spring of 1939, on the eve of Germany’s invasion of Poland, which would set off World War II and lead to Hitler’s destruction.
Of course, these events were much larger than the life of one man, and Hitler sometimes disappears from Ullrich’s narrative for pages at a time. But if “Hitler: Ascent” is as much a work of history as a biography, this is only appropriate. For Hitler was a man who evacuated his inner self, as much as possible, in order to become a vessel for history and what he believed to be the people’s will. On a podium, he could mesmerize huge crowds with his rhetoric about Germany’s destiny. But everything we learn from Ullrich about Hitler’s personal life — what he ate for breakfast (cookies and chocolate), how he bored his guests with endless monologues, even his clandestine love affair with Eva Braun — is commonplace. He was himself conscious, on some level, that he was a thoroughly undistinguished person. When in the company of intellectuals or aristocrats, what Ullrich calls his “inferiority complex” was inflamed, and he grew fidgety and irritable.
Hitler’s mediocrity is all the more noticeable in this book because Ullrich strives not to mythologize his subject, knowing how many myths are already in circulation. There is a tendency, in stories about Hitler, to try to locate the magic key that explains him. Thus people sometimes say that he hated Jews because a Jewish doctor failed to save his mother from cancer, or that he was sexually neurotic because he was missing part of his genitals. Ullrich summarily dismisses both of these legends, noting that Hitler actually had a good relationship with his mother’s doctor, and that records of his medical examinations reveal no physical abnormality.
More important, Ullrich is consistently skeptical of the myths Hitler tried to create about himself. Much of the evidence we possess about the early life comes from the stories he told, and from the tendentious propaganda of “Mein Kampf.” These were designed to further Hitler’s image as a man of destiny, which meant that they were highly melodramatic. For instance, in 1939, while visiting the Bayreuth Festival, Hitler remarked that it was seeing a performance of Wagner’s opera “Rienzi” as a teenager that first gave him a sense of his heroic destiny: “That was the hour everything started.” Ullrich chalks this story up to “Hitler’s need for exaggerated self-importance.”
Yet he doesn’t deny that Wagnerian opera had a profound influence on the young Hitler’s view of the world. In fact, the strange thing about Hitler is not that he imagined himself as the leading figure in a historic drama — many people have such grandiose fantasies — but that life ended up vindicating him. It might have taken a world war, the Great Depression and other calamities to prepare the way, but in the end Germany decided to see Hitler just as he saw himself; the country matched his psychosis with its own. What is truly frightening, and monitory, in Ullrich’s book is not that a Hitler could exist, but that so many people seemed to be secretly waiting for him.

Monday, October 10, 2016

A Decade of Failure in the War on Drugs


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A soldier throwing marijuana onto a bonfire during a military operation at Sierra de Culiacan, Mexico.CreditBernardo Montoya/Reuters
MEXICO CITY — In 2006, Felipe Calderón, then the incoming president of Mexico, vowed that change was coming to fix the problem of drug trafficking and drug-related violence. To fulfill this promise he sent the army into the streets and embarked on a full-on war against drug trafficking.
Things did indeed change.
The year before he took over, Mexico’s homicide rate was 9.5 per 100,000 inhabitants. The rate soon doubled, prompting the government to deny there were any civilian victims: those dead in the war against drugs were either evildoers (drug traffickers) or heroes (the policemen and soldiers who fought them). A decade later, too many unknown victims have fallen in this war. The estimates are close to 150,000 dead and 28,000 missing. Mr. Calderón’s promise was epic; his strategy, simplistic.
The war of drug traffickers against the government and among themselves has expanded. In places like Tamaulipas, along the border with the United States, to speak out is often a death sentence. In what’s known as the Golden Triangle (Chihuahua, Durango, Sinaloa), controlled by the Sinaloa drug cartel, threats by “sicarios” (the cartel’s hit men) force the inhabitants to flee their communities. Tourist resorts are no longer sanctuaries. Acapulco is now the country’s most violent city, and one of the world’s most violent.
Even if Mexicans believed Mr. Calderón’s promise, the question to ask was and still is: Why would thousands of people work in drug trafficking?
Drugs and drug trafficking are a social, cultural, economic and health-related phenomenon; social violence and insecurity is just one of its many facets. Traveling through Mexico’s depressed areas makes anyone understand that organized crime is, in many of them, the only constant presence, the start and the end of everyday life. There, where the state does not reach, or does only to fight crime, illicit means are often the just source of employment.
For thousands of Mexicans, drug trafficking is a way to survive. The weakest links in the chain, like the growers or the drug mules, do not ponder whether it is right or wrong. They work only to subsist.
The war on drugs turned out to be a complete failure. Drugs continue to stream north to the United States, the great user, and firearms enter Mexico in return, where they kill thousands. The systematic hunting of drug traffickers has yielded a large number of detainees, even some big names like Joaquín Guzmán Loera, known as El Chapo. Jails are overflowing. But 41 percent of those jailed for drug crimes were arrested for possession of controlled substances worth less than 500 pesos (under $30).
Meanwhile, there are steady flows of cocaine, human trafficking and natural resources, and extortion and poppy growing are rampant. According to United States Drug Enforcement Administration data, Mexican heroin is the most commonly used type in America, surpassing the Colombian supply. In the state of Guerrero, the top producer of Mexican heroin, 50 criminal groups vie for control of the territory.
If Mr. Calderón was the father of this drug policy, his successor as president, Enrique Peña Nieto, seems to be playing the role of the teenager who, in trying to rebel, repeats what he saw his father do.
This past August and July were the most violent months of Mr. Peña Nieto’s presidency, with nearly 4,000 dead — similar to the record numbers of 2011, the bloodiest year of the Calderón administration.
Ten years is enough to get a clearer view and try different approaches. Decriminalizing possession of all drugs for personal use would be a sound first step: It would ease the burden on the collapsed judiciary system, reduce the incentives for the police to make arrests and focus their efforts on violence-prone traffickers who terrify citizens, and not on users.
The great shift in Mr. Peña Nieto’s policy was his backing of medicinal use of marijuana, a needed action, but not enough, particularly when it is compared with other similar efforts throughout the region.
In recent years, Colombia has stopped destroying the coca plantations and has sponsored a nationwide crop substitution program, while the country´s president, Juan Manuel Santos, issued a law allowing the medical use of marijuana. Costa Rica, a country without an army, has begun a drug-treatment program. In Jamaica, laws for the traditional and medicinal use of cannabis have been approved. In 2009, Argentina’s Supreme Court declared punishment for drug possession for personal consumption unconstitutional, and Uruguay has legalized the production, distribution and use of marijuana.
Mexico tabulates the amounts of a drug anyone can possess before being considered a trafficker. But this tabulation does not fit the reality of users. For example, it allows for only five grams or less than 0.18 ounces, of marijuana. While drug policies must address each country’s characteristics, decriminalizing drug use should be a shared premise.
More than 15 years ago, Portugal decriminalized drug possession for personal use and created a system for drug treatment and social reintegration; cannabis use has leveled, the number of heroin addicts is down 70 percent, and deaths by overdoses have also been reduced. In the Netherlands, a cafeteria-style system has created a legal work force around cannabis and, in part because users are not prosecuted, that country’s jails are virtually empty. Recently, a lack of business has led to the closing of a few Dutch prisons. Drug use — of all drugs — is a health issue, not a criminal one. And it should be dealt with as such.
In Mexico the war on drugs turned out to be a worse evil than the one it set out to fight. Ten years locked in a state of emergency and with an army insulated from any criminal investigation of its behavior have proven to be another failure.
For things to really change, the government should gradually return antidrug programs to the civil authorities. After this decade of mourning, of killings with impunity, of government corruption, Mexico needs to devise a comprehensive drug policy that understands drug trafficking beyond a clash between heroes and villains.
Caught between these extremes, society has been forced to adapt to a state of permanent violence. Decriminalizing drug use will not fix a deeply rooted problem in this country, but it will allow Mexicans to differentiate between drugs and the war on drugs, between drug users and drug traffickers. This is the first step in acknowledging that a different approach is possible.

Hurricane Matthew’s Toll Rises; Flooding Strands 1,500 in North Carolina

 
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North Carolina Resident Surveys Damage

A gallery owner in Nags Head, N.C., a beach community, surveys the damage to his shop after Hurricane Matthew.
 By ELSA BUTLER on Publish DateOctober 9, 2016. Photo by Susan Evans. Watch in Times Video »

The Latest

■ Gov. Pat McCrory of North Carolina said Monday that an urgent rescue effort was underway in Lumberton, where a levee breach in the wake of Hurricane Matthew forced people to their rooftops.
■ The storm’s death toll in the United States has climbed to at least 21.
■ The toll in Haiti, which took a direct hit, has been hard to measure. As many as 1,000 people have died, according to a Reuters reportbased on information from civil protection and local officials. Along with hundreds of lives, the storm wiped out much of the progress that an isolated city, Jérémie, had been making. Read more from Azam Ahmed »
■ Bands of heavy rain produced record-breaking flooding in parts of eastern North Carolina, according to the National Hurricane Center, which may result in life-threatening flooding and flash flooding elsewhere in the region.

North Carolina: Residents Forced Onto Rooftops

Governor McCrory, addressing reporters in Raleigh on Monday, said a levee breach before dawn had endangered about 1,500 residents in Lumberton.
“Floodwaters are rising very quickly,” said Mr. McCrory, who added that water was knee-deep in many places. “We do have people on the roofs as we speak, and we have a lot of helicopters and boats that have been deployed that are, at this point in time, rescuing them.”
The Federal Aviation Administration issued a temporary flight restriction above Lumberton, the agency said, “to provide a safe environment for disaster relief operations.”
Mr. McCrory also reported 10 fatalities in North Carolina, raising Hurricane Matthew’s death toll in the United States to at least 21. At least 1,400 people have been rescued since Hurricane Matthew struck the state.
The storm was downgraded to a post-tropical cyclone early Sunday morning as it hit North Carolina and Virginia with a weakened but still powerful punch.
— ALAN BLINDER

Floodwaters on the Move

Several rivers in eastern North Carolina broke out of their banks on Monday, after weekend rainfalls of up to 16 inches in places, the National Weather Service reported. Some rivers reached record heights, while on others, waters are expected to keep rising for days in some areas, as the floods move downstream.
The Cape Fear River south of Fayetteville crested Monday at more than 26 feet above flood stage; farther downstream, near Chinquapin, the same river was forecast to rise into Wednesday.
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To the northeast, the Neuse River reached more than 8 feet above flood stage near Goldsboro on Monday, and was projected to rise another 2 feet, peaking on Tuesday near its record. Downstream, near Kinston, the Neuse rose more than 7 feet above flood stage, and was expected to climb 5 feet more, not cresting until Saturday.
The Lumber River at Lumberton rose 4 feet higher than it had ever been measured before. The Little River at Manchester broke its previous record by 3 feet.
Several South Carolina rivers also reached moderate or major flood stage, the Weather Service reported, but conditions there were not as severe.
— RICHARD PÉREZ-PEÑA

South Carolina: Evacuation Orders Lifted

Five days after South Carolina residents began fleeing the coastline ahead of Hurricane Matthew, Gov. Nikki R. Haley on Monday lifted the final evacuation orders in the state.
Ms. Haley has been ending the evacuations in phases — on Sunday, she allowed people to return to Charleston, the state’s second-largest city — and her office said Monday that residents could return to Horry and Georgetown counties beginning at 8 a.m.
But the state cautioned that returning to the evacuation zone would not necessarily be simple or quick.
“Returning residents are encouraged to exercise patience and expect lengthy travel times, blocked roadways and detours back to evacuated areas and are asked not to drive around barricades or use emergency lanes that are needed for first responders,” the governor’s office said in a statement.
The authorities in South Carolina have attributed three deaths to the storm, including two in Florence County, northwest of Myrtle Beach.
— JESS BIDGOOD, in Charleston
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Hurricane Matthew’s Trail of Damage

Hurricane Matthew’s Trail of Damage

CreditSean Rayford for The New York Times

And Now, the Cleanup: Homeowners’ Next Steps

The American Red Cross has published a list of safety tips for homeowners returning to property damaged in hurricanes.
Once cleanup begins, taking photographs of damaged or destroyed property before it is discarded provides a record for use in making insurance claims, says Ann Carrns, who writes the Your Money Adviser consumer finance column for The Times.

Scenes From Hurricane Matthew’s Capricious Path

In Haiti, the Bahamas and Florida, the storm left behind stories of disaster and of disaster narrowly averted. Here are some of them »

Storm Tracker

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SEVERITY Category 4 3 2 1 Tropical storm Densely populated areas
Area ofhurricane-force winds
Observed locationSunday 2 p.m.
Storm pathforecast
Map data ©2016 Google, INEGI
On Monday, Matthew, which had been downgraded to a post-tropical cyclone, was well offshore, bringing some rain to the Northeast. By evening, it was expected to be off the Canadian maritime provinces.